The best thing that can be said about the recently passed bill on the treatment and legal handling of detainees from the war on Islamist terrorism is that now, at least, it is no longer a rogue president assuming authority and power he does not possess under the Constitution that sets out the parameters. Now it has the stamp of approval of the legislative branch. Unfortunately, this also serves to make it even more shameful.
Whilst some concessions were wrung from Bush by the three Republicans who seemed to be fighting valiantly for the soul of our democracy, in the end their bill brought them little honour. Whilst grave breaches of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions are prohibited, the executive branch is left a good deal of latitude on what interrogation techniques are allowed and some of these undoubtedly will include some methods that many of us would consider torture – or at least ones that would not please any of us if they were applied to captured American civilian intelligence agents or special operations troops caught out of uniform.
Another worrying feature is the broadening of the definition of who constitutes an “enemy combatant”. And most serious of all, the withholding of the right of habeas corpus rights, the most fundamental of all rights in the American judicial system – the right to challenge one’s detention. We know that many detainees who have been and in some cases still are held at Guantanamo are people who were likely simply in the wrong place at the wrong time; or people who have been given up as terrorists for personal reasons or monetary gain. They languish in detention because the government simply does not know whether they are terrorists or not. These people have now lost the right to challenge their imprisonment.
In the end Bush gained almost everything he wanted from this bill: the right to hold anyone he wants as an enemy combatant – even if that person is seized in the United States – as long as he wants, and to treat such individuals as harshly as he chooses within certain fairly loose constraints. It is a bill that shows us not at our best but at our worst; not as being strong and confident in ourselves and our cause, but as weak and uncertain.
Bush administration mouthpieces such as press secretary Tony Snow like to use analogies from the past, such as World War II.; withdrawing from Iraq we’ve been told would be like losing heart during the Battle of the Bulge. This sort of nonsense is laughable but it does serve us to look back for lessons from history.
During World War II on the battlefields of Italy, the men of the highly decorated 442nd Regimental Combat Team fought for their country with an unmatched bravery, ferocity and devotion to their country, even as their Japanese-Americans wives, parents, siblings and children languished behind barbed wire in internment camps in the U.S., stripped of their property, and treated as if they were an enemy fifth column.
In 1950s America, innocent men and women were persecuted and hounded from their jobs, even their homes, amid allegations of real or imagined membership of the communist party during the McCarthy era.
History shows us that when we have surrendered to our fear, we have behaved in ways that make us, in time, justifiably and deeply ashamed. I believe this is becoming such a time.
We have a president, who, for the first time in our history, has embraced torture as national policy, and who has kept our enemies in offshore prisons – some in secret locations – where they can languish indefinitely. And now, with the explicit authorization of a compliant, spineless, Congress, these detainees – many seized under murky circumstances at best – are to be stripped of their habeas corpus right to challenge their detention.
The administration would have us believe these are dangerous times that require tough action. These, however, are not the actions of a strong, brave nation but a weak and frightened one.
I understand that many Americans, particularly, it seems, on the right, are scared; they want their families to be safe. I get it. I really do. I have a family. Although I am an American now, I lived in London at a time in the 1970’s when you couldn’t go for a drink in a pub without the ever-present fear of an Irish Republican Army bomb going off. But our fear in Britain and that of our government led us to do things we bitterly regret now; the conviction of innocent people on next to no evidence, such as the Guildford Four, being but one frightening example.
We must resist the fear mongering of the Republicans who shamelessly stoke and exploit our anxieties. We will not prevail in this struggle against Islamic terrorists by fighting darkness, as this administration seeks to do, with more darkness.
In allowing the recent bill on detainee treatment and trials, which betrays bedrock principles for which Americans have always stood, to go forward in our name with barely a whimper of protest, we have shamed ourselves and our country.
Mr Bush has at times portrayed himself as a Winston Churchill-type figure leading his country in time of war. Perhaps, then, it is as well to remind ourselves of how a true war leader, faced with a genuine threat to the very existence of his nation, stirs his people to give of themselves their courageous best and not draw from them, instead, their frightened worst. The following is an excerpt from a speech to Parliament, delivered by Winston Churchill on the 18 June 1940 following the fall of France, when in all of Europe only Britain stands against the mighty Nazi German war machine:
The whole fury and might of the enemy must very soon be turned on us. Hitler knows that he will have to break us in this Island or lose the war. If we can stand up to him, all Europe may be free and the life of the world may move forward into broad, sunlit uplands. But if we fail, then the whole world, including the United States, including all that we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science. Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, “This was their finest hour.”
Would that we will one day deserve to have it said of us. But that time is not now.